Last Friday, as I was desperately trying to get out of the office, I posted a link that I found on Kausfiles. I hadn't had time to do more than skim it, but it seemed interesting. Johno felt differently:
The linked article has GOT to be the single stupidest post I have ever seen on the internet. Interesting? Sure. Like a dog licking his own sack is interesting.
Now, I generally trust Johno's judgment, intuition, even his wild-ass-guesses. So when I went back to read the article more thoroughly today (now that I have recovered from a long weekend of debauchery) I was expecting to find a big, steaming pile of poo. And smelly poo, at that.
That turned out not to be the case. First, arguing that Steve Sailer's post is the stupidest post on the internet - even limiting the comparison to stupid posts that Johno's seen... well, that's a bit of a stretch. I would say that the case is a bit deterministic, and that Sailer is to some extent using his assumptions to justify his arguments. But...
There is something there. I'll get to that in a minute. But first, thanks to the Maximum Leader we have this article by a credentialed political science professor. [Maximum Leader gets 1.5 kudos for linking my I hate our freedom post, and an additional 3 kudos for agreeing with me instead of Geeklethal.] Professor Abramowitz writes about the effect of redistricting on the competiveness in congressional races. Or rather, the lack thereof.
The 2000-2002 redistricting cycle is often cited by critics of partisan redistricting as the best illustration of the dangers of gerrymandering because of the extensive use of sophisticated mapmaking technology in drawing district lines. However, between the 2000 and 2002 elections, the number of safe U.S. House districts only increased from 201 to 203 and the number of competitive districts only decreased from 123 to 116. Over the last three redistricting cycles--those that occurred between 1980 and 1982, 1990 and 1992, and 2000 and 2002--the number of safe districts increased by an average of only 8 while the number of competitive districts decreased by an average of only 2.
The Prof also points out that it makes little difference if courts or non-partisan commissions due the gerrymandering – most congressional seats remain stolidly non-competitive.
The assumption that shifting control of redistricting from partisan state legislatures to nonpartisan commissions will dramatically increase the number of competitive districts is not supported by the record of such commissions. In the 2000-2002 round of redistricting, eight states with a total of 75 House districts used nonpartisan commissions to redraw their districts or had their districts redrawn by the courts. In the 2002 elections, 9 percent of House contests in those states were decided by a margin of less than 10 percentage points compared with 8 percent in all other states. Of 65 incumbents who ran for reelection in states whose districts were redrawn by the courts or nonpartisan commissions, not one was defeated.
Why is this the case?
If redistricting isn't responsible for the low level of competition in House elections, what is? Two major trends have contributed to a decline in competition in recent years. First, House districts have become less competitive, but not because of redistricting. Most of the change has occurred between redistricting cycles. Between 1992 and 2000, for example, the number of safe districts increased from 156 to 201 while the number of competitive districts decreased from 157 to 123.
The other trend is the cost of running a serious congressional campaign, now significantly north of seven digits. But what is the cause of increasingly homogenous house (and other) districts? Let’s take a look:
For the same reasons that states and counties have become less competitive--Americans are increasingly living in communities and neighborhoods whose residents share their values and they are increasingly voting for candidates who reflect those values. Growing ideological polarization at the elite level has also made it easier for voters to choose a party identification on the basis of their ideological preferences. Southern and border states that once regularly elected conservative Democrats have been trending Republican while urban and suburban areas in the North that once regularly elected moderate and liberal Republicans have been trending Democratic. The result is that red states, counties, and districts are getting redder while blue states, counties, and districts are getting bluer.
The American population (noted for its extreme mobility even in the mid-1800s) is super- or hyper-mobile today. People think nothing of moving thousands of miles to be in a place more congenial, remunerative, or whatever value is important to them. I’m not sure about GL or Patton; but I know that Johno, Ross, and I have all made moves of at least half a thousand miles to get to a place that we thought would do us right. That people would self-sort themselves by politics is not an odd thought. Especially since political ideas often go hand in hand with any number of other attitudes.
As the state of California has become less competitive, so have its counties. Many of the state's urban areas, including the San Francisco Bay Area and Los Angeles County, have become much more Democratic. At the same time, the state's rural areas and small towns, like their counterparts in the rest of the nation, have been trending Republican. In the 1976 presidential election, 46 of California's 58 counties were decided by a margin of less than 10 percentage points and those counties included 72 percent of the state's voters. But in 2004, only 13 counties were decided by a margin of less than 10 percentage points and those counties included only 21 percent of the state's voters. On the other hand, there were far more landslide counties in 2004 than in 1976 and a much larger percentage of California voters lived in landslide counties in 2004 than in 1976. In the 1976 presidential election only 2 counties in California were decided by a margin of more than 20 percentage points and those counties included only 8 percent of the state's voters. But in 2004, 36 counties were decided by a margin of more than 20 percentage points and those counties included 64 percent of the state's voters.
Given the one-sided partisan make-up of so much of the state, it would be difficult for even a panel of retired judges to draw a large number of competitive state legislative and congressional districts in California. And if you think some of the current districts are misshapen monstrosities, try to imagine what a competitive district in the San Francisco Bay Area would look like. [emphasis mine –ed.]
So it seems that some sort of sorting process is going on. Professor Abramowitz doesn’t get into the reasons for that much. Which brings us back to Steve Sailer.
In parts of the country where it is economical to buy a house with a yard in a neighborhood with a decent public school, you’ll generally find more Republicans. You’ll find less in regions where it’s expensive.
It’s a stereotype that a mortgage, marriage, and babies tend to make people more conservative. But it’s a true stereotype.
The arrow of causality points in both directions. Some family-oriented people move to family-friendly states, but the cost of forming a family also affects how many families are formed overall.
He’s making the case that (one of) the reasons that (potentially) conservative people move to red states is that it is easier to do what they want – get a house and spawn a family. And also that more such conservatives will be formed because is it easier to get a house, a yard, a wife (or husband) and kids. We all know the statistics about the difference in voting habits between single and married people, homeowners and renters, and so on. I think that Sailer’s got a point that places encourage one side or the other, and that both affects the attitudes of those who live there, and filters who moves in an out.
One of the reasons that I would not likely be happy in a major urban center is that I would be surrounded by hard-core liberals. I don’t want to live in a place without liberals, but I don’t want to live in a place without conservatives, either. I wouldn’t have a house, a yard, or a safe environment for my boy. Right now, one of the few things keeping me from moving to an even more “red” rural locale is the income that I can earn here, and few other places. (And those places are even less family friendly than suburban DC.) Mrs. Buckethead mentions at least once a week how nice it would be to move to New Hampshire, up near the White Mountains and away from the Massholes.
So I can feel the logic in what Sailer is talking about. It’s not the only thing, but it’s not a steaming pile of poo.